Friday night I was glued to the CSPAN livestream of the work to remove the name of Donald J. Trump from the Kennedy Center. It never belonged there.

I began to fantasize Trump inserting himself into the Lincoln Memorial, with a sculpture of him seated next to Lincoln, in the newly renamed Trump Lincoln Memorial. Why not slap his name on the Washington Monument? Who would stop him? What else can he name for himself?

So to see his name removed, letter by letter, was a historic event, as well as a profound humiliation for Trump. But I didn’t get to see it because it didn’t happen until 3 am, which I thought happened not only because of a rain delay but because of purposeful, deliberate slow-walking to make sure few people saw it.

Since the Kennedy Center opened, it has had a bipartisan board. It was not political. It attracted leading artists. It was, as intended, a great cultural institution for artists. It was an honor to perform there. Until Trump.

Until Trump dismissed the members of the board appointed by Biden and replaced them with Trump toadies. Trump named himself to the board, and the new board elected Trump as its president, a position never before held by the President. Trump is petty, wracked by envy, a hunger for respect, and a passion for retribution.

As the Kennedy Center turned political, wholly owned by Trump, artists began canceling their performances. The biggest blow was the cancellation of Hamilton, which was sure to be sold out.

He fired the professional arts administrator who led the Kennedy Center and replaced her with a Trump loyalist, Richard Grennell, Ambassador to Germany in Trump’s first term, lacking any relevant experience.

In short order, other nonpolitical administrators left or were fired.

Ticket sales plummeted.

The Washington National Opera left the Kennedy Center and continues to perform at different venues around D.C.

The National Symphony Orchestra decided to stay.

Faced with a financial and artistic backlash, the board decided that the building needed major renovations and announced that the Center would close for two years. Grennell laid off staff in anticipation of the long closure. The National Symphony Orchestra was looking for alternate venues to stay alive during the two-year hiatus.

Meanwhile the Washington National Opera–which left in January 2026–was deadlocked with the Center, because the Center refused to give the Opera the $17 million that was its endowment, made up of gifts given specifically to the Opera. The Center said the Opera ran a deficit, so the Center claimed the Opera’s endowment as payment. The Opera sued the Center on June 11.

So…I wanted to see Trump’s name come down. It was history. The removal crew started before noon. They began erecting an elaborate scaffold, laboriously. This was odd because when Trump’s name went up, the workers were elevated by scissor lifts and quickly attached his name. The rise of the scaffolding was delayed by a heavy rain. When the rain ended, the erection of the scaffold was sluggish, at best. It went on for hours. The workers kept piecing the scaffolding together. Occasionally they would all climb down and nothing was happening.

At midnight, I gave up and went to bed. The next morning, I googled to see the renewed facade, the one without Trump’s name. I couldn’t find it anywhere, in any format.

I read that the workers began removing his name at 3 am, but their work was hidden by white tarps. No one could photograph them doing it. Presumably, Trump couldn’t bear the humiliation. The front of the building remained covered the next day.

What a baby! What a self-centered, narcissistic baby!

The hero of this saga is Representative Joyce Beatty of Ohio. She was an ex-officio member of the Kennedy Center by virtue of her role in Congress. Trump couldn’t fire her. The board tried to exclude her. At the meeting where they voted to approve the name change, they muted her mic so she could not participate.

It was Representative Beatty who sued to have Trump’s name stripped from the Center. The federal judge who decided the case ruled that Congress named the Center, and only Congress could change the name.

Here is Representative Beatty, inside the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, dancing and celebrating her victory the way Trump dances.

Thank you, Congresswoman Beatty!

The crisis of the Kennedy Center is far from over. The board is still packed with allies of Trump. Its staff, what’s left of it, is led by Trump partisans. Because the board wanted to close it for two years, there has been no programming for next year.

Trump has proved once again that he is the master of chaos. As the adage goes, whatever Trump touches, dies.

The Kennedy Center must not die. Congress must intervene to restore the nonpartisan nature of the Kennedy Center.

Since Trump returned to office, he has made clear his hostility to protecting the rights of racial minorities and women. He was eager from the start to obliterate DEI (diversity, equity, and inclusion) and to withhold federal grants from institutions that did anything to advance the progress of minorities and women. His words and deeds have gladdened the hearts of white supremacists. Racism is baked into this administration–from Pete Hegseth firing and refusing to promote women and Blacks in the military to Trump welcoming white South Africans to settle here. If he could, he would recruit whites from Nordic nations.

Erwin Chemerinsky, dean and Jesse H. Choper Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of California Berkeley School of Law, writes about how the U.S. Department of Justice is now making war on civil rights.

Dean Chemerinsky wrote this article for The Contrarian:

A stunning opinion from the Justice Department on June 9 seeks to gut federal protections against employment discrimination. If allowed to stand, it would override a 55-year-old Supreme Court precedent and nullify a 35-year-old federal statute protecting workers from race and sex bias. Although it will change the practices of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and Justice Department enforcement efforts, it is not binding on the courts, and they must reject this assault on civil rights.

In a series of decisions beginning in the 1970s, the Supreme Court said that proving race or sex discrimination in violation of the equal protection clause of the Constitution requires demonstrating discriminatory intent. Because decision-makers rarely express racism or sexism as their motives for action, it is enormously difficult to prove intentional discrimination. Moreover, voluminous literaturedocuments that we all have unconscious biases that influence our choices. At the very least, we should be concerned when our laws or practices have the effect of perpetuating discrimination.

Therefore, many federal and state laws allow liability based on proof of disparate impact without needing to establish discriminatory intent. This is allowed because statutes can provide more protection of rights than exists under the Constitution.

In 1971, in Griggs v. Duke Power Company, the Supreme Court held that Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act — which prohibits employment discrimination based on race, sex, or religion — creates liability when there is disparate impact. The court concluded that even if there is not discriminatory intent, an employer may not use a job requirement that functionally excludes members of a certain race or sex if it has no relation to measuring performance of job duties. The court rightly interpreted Title VII as saying that tests or measures used in hiring are not permissible if they have a discriminatory effect unless they have some proven connection to the job.

In 1989, the Supreme Court interpreted Title VII to make it more difficult to create liability based on discriminatory impact, so Congress adopted the Civil Rights Act of 1991. This law was explicit that disparate impact was sufficient for liability for employment discrimination. The 1991 act said that if there was proof of disparate impact, the employer had the burden to demonstrate that a challenged practice is “job related for the position in question and consistent with business necessity.” The law requires employers to show the practice genuinely relates to job performance, not merely that it serves some legitimate business interest.

But on Tuesday, the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel, in a 25-page opinion, took the position that disparate impact liability no longer should be sufficient for liability under Title VII; there must be proof of discriminatory intent. And the opinion made it much easier for employers to show “business necessity,” saying that this “requires employers demonstrate only that the challenged practice rationally serves a valid business purpose.” The opinion says: “Workplace requirements and selection procedures — such as background checks, aptitude tests, and SAT score — are presumptively job related. Only irrational or arbitrary practices with no plausible job-relatedness can create disparate impact liability.”

In other words, the Justice Department opinion makes it much harder for plaintiffs to prove discrimination and much easier for employers to avoid liability. It completely nullifies the provisions of the 1991 Civil Rights Act.

This is not the first time the Trump administration has attacked disparate impact liability. President Trump’s April 2025 executive order, “Restoring Equality of Opportunity and Meritocracy,” declared: “It is the policy of the United States to eliminate the use of disparate-impact liability in all contexts to the maximum degree possible to avoid violating the Constitution, Federal civil rights laws, and basic American ideals.”

The Justice Department opinion is directed to the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. It says that the “EEOC’s existing interpretations … embrace an unconstitutional reading of Title VII.” Of course, it is not the Supreme Court has held this. Rather, it is just the very conservative Justice Department on its own saying that the federal government no longer will follow the Supreme Court’s 1971 decision in Griggs v. Duke Power Company or the provisions of the 1991 Civil Rights Act.

The Justice Department opinion is based on a curious mix of authority. It relies heavily on a concurring opinion from Justice Antonin Scalia from 17 years ago, in Ricci v. DeStefano, in which he expressed concern that disparate impact liability in employment could cause employers to consider race to ensure that their practices did not have a discriminatory effect. Scalia expressed no conclusions but said that it was an issue the court would someday need to confront. The Justice Department memo also cites extensively an article by conservative law professor Gail Heriot opposing disparate impact liability.

The Justice Department repeatedly refers to the Supreme Court’s recent opinion in Louisiana v. Callais, which interpreted Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. Congress had amended that provision in 1982 to allow for liability upon proof that a state or local government had an election practice that had a discriminatory effect against voters of color. The court said in Callais that the government could not use race as a predominant factor in drawing election districts even if needed to avoid a racially disparate impact.

Callais was entirely about voting rights, not employment discrimination. In the voting rights context, Supreme Court precedent held that the government cannot use race in drawing election districts. But there is no such Supreme Court precedent that private employers cannot consider race or sex to avoid disparate impact liability. Quite the contrary, the only Supreme Court cases about affirmative action in employment — United Steel Workers of America v. Weber (1979) and https://www.oyez.org/cases/1986/85-1129 (1987) — allowed voluntary programs to increase participation of racial minorities and women in the workforce. Perhaps the conservative Supreme Court we have now will reconsider these decisions, but they remain the law.

Most important, even if the Supreme Court extends Louisiana v. Callais to employment and even if the court overrules its earlier decisions about affirmative action in employment, that does not provide a basis for the Justice Department’s making it very easy for any employer to win an employment discrimination case by asserting a business necessity.

Nor is there any basis for the Justice Department saying that proving employment discrimination under Title VII requires that the plaintiff demonstrate that there is an “equally effective alternative” that would have less discriminatory effect. The federal employment discrimination statute is explicit that if an employment practice has a disparate impact, it is illegal unless the defendant can show a business necessity. There is absolutely nothing in the law that creates the additional burden imposed by the Justice Department that the plaintiff must show another way to achieve the employer’s goals.

It is not surprising to see the Trump Justice Department trying to push the law in a very conservative direction. But it is astounding to see it disregard long-established Supreme Court precedent and nullify a federal statute. Hopefully, the courts — and even this Supreme Court — will say the Justice Department has gone too far in gutting the protection for workers in this country to be free from race and sex bias in employment.

Erwin Chemerinsky is dean and Jesse H. Choper Distinguished Professor of Law at the University of California Berkeley School of Law.